The restoration of the legitimistic monarchical principle under the sign of the Restoration was not able to undo the social and legal political achievements of the revolution. Domestic political development was essentially determined by the notable elite, consisting of the property and the educated bourgeoisie (landowners, civil servants, industrialists, nobles), which was divided into royalist, conservative and liberal groups and in increasing opposition to the interests of the the gradual industrialization of the growing lower classes came to an end. Louis XVIII had transformed France into the first constitutional monarchy on the continent with the enactment of the “Charte constitutionnelle” (June 4, 1814). The constitution was characterized by the census suffrage, which favored the wealthy upper class, as well as a two-chamber system with the right to approve the budget and ministerial responsibility, with the members of the first chamber (chamber of peers) being appointed by the king and thus the nobility and the upper classes enjoying political co-determination rights. But already in 1820, after the murder of the royal nephew and only successor, Charles Ferdinand de Bourbon, Duke of Berry, the influence of the ultra-royalists increased, who enforced the restitution of the previously unsold church property, the lifting of civil divorce, press censorship and more restrictive suffrage. In terms of foreign policy, France was able to achieve equality under international law as early as 1818 at the Aachen Congress through its acceptance into the Holy Alliance (in whose name a successful military intervention against the liberal revolution in Spain took place in 1823) and into the alliance system of the Quadruple Alliance of 1814/15, after it in the course of its rapid economic consolidation, had repaid the war reparations and accelerated the withdrawal of the occupying forces.
Internally, the opposition, which v. a. expressed in the establishment of secret societies and in the cultivation of the Napoleon cult. Because also Karl X., who as the successor of Louis XVIII. In 1824 he ascended the throne and was largely under the influence of reactionary remigrant circles, sought the close alliance between the monarchy and the church and enforced the episcopal school supervision, the return of the Jesuits and the compensation of the emigrants, which gave the opposing forces in the liberal bourgeoisie a considerable boost. The ultra-royalists under J. A. de Polignac, who had previously dominated the Chamber of Parliament, lostdespite foreign policy diversionary maneuvers (e.g. the unsuccessful attempt to annex Belgium and the left bank of the Rhine, and the successful conquest of Algiers) in the elections of 1830. But they persuaded the king to dissolve the oppositional chamber and to enact the “Juliordonnanzen”, which overturned the industrial bourgeoisie and the freedom of the press through a new right to vote. The liberals under A. Thiers who were determined to resist saw this as a coup d’état. Check cheeroutdoor.com to see more about France and other countries in the world.
Against this background, the July Revolution broke out on July 27, 1830, which ended after three days of street fighting between the royal army and the Parisian petty bourgeoisie and students radicalized by overproduction and hunger crises with the conquest of the Palais Bourbon. While these insurgent groups striving for a republic, the upper middle-class oriented chambers decided with the election of the “citizen king” Louis Philippe (from the Bourbon branch line Orléans) in favor of constitutional monarchy after Charles X abdicated and his successor – initially rejected as the “king of the barricades” by legitimist countries – had recognized the revised Charter of 1830. In the “July Monarchy” the financial bourgeoisie gained considerable political weight. The growing industrialization of the country with the now emerging artisan and worker proletariat not only led to the broader impact of early socialist concepts of society (C. Fourier, P. J. Proudhon, L. Blanc, L. A. Blanqui), but also to significant social unrest. The weavers’ uprisings in Lyon 1831–34, which were soon suppressed, and the Blanquist uprising in 1835 destabilized under a revolutionary-democratic auspices the course of the Juste milieu, which was quickly determined by a personal regiment of the king, as did the unsuccessful coup attempts by Charles Louis Napoléon Bonaparte (later Napoleon) in 1836 and 1840 III.), A nephew of Napoleon I.
In contrast to economic development, foreign policy did little to support the regime: French support for the Pasha of Egypt, Mehmed Ali, in his struggle against Turkish sovereignty failed (oriental crisis), as did Thiers’ intention to fight a European war The German Confederation failed to reach the Rhine border because Louis Philippe tried to keep the peace and forced the Prime Minister to resign in 1840. Although in the following period under F. Guizot a rapprochement with Great Britain and Austria succeeded and against the background of a renewed boom the motto of the »Enrichissez-vous« (enrich yourselves) aimed at individual social advancement opportunities was specifically propagated to compensate the political dissatisfaction, the doubts of the upper class, reinforced by corruption scandals, grew Competence of the regime. In addition, there was a phase of bad harvests and economic depression in 1845–47, which could not be absorbed even by the conclusion of the conquest of Algeria, which increased the general unrest and made calls for an extension of the right to vote ever louder. As a guizot Public banquets organized by the Republicans (“reform banquets”) in this regard were forbidden, the February Revolution broke out in Paris in 1848, during which student and workers’ demonstrations culminated in the storming of the Palais Royal, the flight and abdication of the king, the proclamation of the Second Republic and the establishment of a provisional government led by A. de Lamartine. Their initially socialist change of course, which v. a. in the establishment of national workshops for the realization of the “right to work,” but allowed the moderate bourgeois republicans to win the majority in the general and equal elections that followed. This dissolved the unproductive national workshops again, whereupon in June 1848 one by the Minister of War L. E. Cavaignac, on behalf of the National Assembly, shook Paris in a bloodily suppressed uprising in which the bourgeoisie and the workers faced each other in open struggle for the first time.
